This one-sidedness reflects a deeper issue: Jawar’s analysis consistently frames federal actions as aggressive while ignoring/minimizing TPLF’s role as the initiator of the 2020 war and saboteur of peace all the time till now. True anti-war consistency requires balanced condemnation of provocations from all sides especially when TPLF’s actions risk reigniting devastation primarily harming itself, the Tigray people, Ethiopia and the broader Horn of Africa.
By Tesfaye Kebede – ተስፋየ ከበደ OPINION
Addis Reporter – Jawar Mohammed’s recent Facebook post titled “No More War” presents a call against further armed conflict in Ethiopia, emphasizing dialogue, restraint, and negotiated settlements as the only viable path forward. He condemns what he sees as the federal government’s repeated pursuit of military solutions, arguing that these conflicts serve elite political survival rather than national interest, while inflicting immense suffering on ordinary citizens through death, displacement, poverty, and lost futures. Jawar claimed that this anti-war rhetoric aligns with his broader history of opposing senseless violence, including in Oromia, Tigray, and Amhara. Whether these efforts of Jawar are genuine or not is not my concern in this article, nor should it be the focus here. Opposing war in any part of the world is a position that, in principle, deserves no criticism.
However, the post reveals a “partisan bias” that undermines its credibility and consistency. Jawar places “exclusive blame” on the federal government for dragging Ethiopia into repeated wars, portraying them as unprovoked confrontations that deepen divisions and economic hardship. This framing totally #ignores if not downplays TPLF’s repeated war provocations and failures to honor peace commitments, which have been central to escalating tensions in northern Ethiopia at this very moment-in-time.
The Tigray war began on November 3, 2020, when TPLF forces launched a surprise attack on the Ethiopian National Defense Force’s (ENDF) Northern Command in Tigray, seizing much of the country’s heavy weaponry stockpiled there. This preemptive strike triggered the federal response. The ENDF, with Eritrean support and full backing from the people of Ethiopia, defeated TPLF forces within weeks and took control of Tigray’s capital. TPLF core-leadership retreated in to the valleys and ridges of Kolla Temben seeking for a hideout. Not much later, subsequent atrocities by Eritrean troops gross human rights violations, looting, sexual violence, and destruction rightly drew international condemnation (as PM Abiy admit this in his latest Parliamentary briefing) contributed to TPLF’s resurgence via mass mobilization of Tigrayan youth in a human-wave strategy. This led to TPLF advances into Amhara region (the former Wollo province, now split into five zones with ~10 million people), where TPLF committed parallel crimes, looting, destruction, sexual violence, including ethnic targeting of Amharas, humiliation tactics (e.g., defecating on farmers’ dining plates), and widespread atrocities mirroring those committed by Eritrean forces in Tigray.
The federal counteroffensive halted TPLF’s march toward Addis Ababa, lost much of it’s untrained combatants (cannon fodders), combat leaders and weaponries, forcing it to seat for negotiations. The near capitulation #Pretoria_Agreement (November 2022) ended hostilities with key provisions: full disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) of TPLF combatants; restoration of constitutional order in Tigray; and TPLF’s recognition as a lawful political party under Ethiopian law (with preconditions like respecting electoral rules). Despite this, credible reports (still out there for Jawar or anyone to refer) indicate TPLF has been sabotaging implementation:
- DDR has stalled, with TPLF forces (Tigray Defense Forces) largely undemobilized (estimates of over 270,000 armed fighters remaining as of late 2024–2025).
- TPLF factions ousted interim Tigray Administrator Getachew Reda (a Pretoria signatory and former TPLF vice chairman) for attempting compliance.
- The Ethiopian National Electoral Board revoked TPLF’s legal status in 2025 due to non-compliance.
- TPLF has engaged in military training and alliances rather than disarmament.
Recent developments show TPLF aligning with #Eritrea (despite their adverse enmity in previous war) and allegedly channeling support to #Fano rebels providing military advice, logistical support, acting as conduits for Eritrean weapons, and coordinating against the federal government. Ethiopian authorities accuse Eritrea, TPLF factions, and armed groups of plotting offensives, with mobilizations along borders raising fears of renewed war or proxy conflicts. TPLF elements have also reportedly involved in Sudan’s civil war, fighting alongside General Al-Burhan’s Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) or receiving training/UAV support from them, further complicating regional stability.
Jawar’s post calls for de-escalation and dialogue but directs warnings solely at the federal side, without urging TPLF to:
- Commit to the Pretoria DDR process.
- Cease military buildups and provocative alliances.
- De-escalate tensions and pursue peaceful political engagement.
This one-sidedness reflects a deeper issue: Jawar’s analysis consistently frames federal actions as aggressive while ignoring/minimizing TPLF’s role as the initiator of the 2020 war and saboteur of peace all the time till now. True anti-war consistency requires balanced condemnation of provocations from all sides especially when TPLF’s actions risk reigniting devastation primarily harming itself, the Tigray people, Ethiopia and the broader Horn of Africa.
Compounding this is the federal government’s unresolved shortcoming in building robust public relations and due diplomatic efforts in order to effectively expose TPLF’s (a war-born mafia like group in its nature and character) unlawful actions, Pretoria sabotage, Eritrea’s partnership, arming the Fano (fuel conflict in Amhara regional state), or involvement in Sudan conflict to domestic audiences or the international community. Stronger, transparent campaigns could counter narratives blaming only the government, build broader consensus for peace enforcement, and pressure spoilers (like the TPLF faction in Adi-Haqi) to comply.
Ethiopia desperately needs “no more war,” as Jawar rightly states. But genuine peace advocacy demands acknowledging shared responsibility, calling out TPLF’s provocations and non-compliance equally, and supporting good-faith implementation of existing agreements. Selective blame risks enabling escalation rather than preventing it. All parties the TPLF, federal government, and others must prioritize de-escalation, DDR fulfillment, and inclusive dialogue before another cycle of destruction engulfs Northern Ethiopia (mostly Tigray and Wollo) and the broader HoA region.
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